Zegabi

Eritrea’s Foreign Ministry said on Saturday that Abiy Ahmed’s Prosperity Party government was “actively destabilising the Horn of Africa,” according to reporting relayed by AFP and detailed by regional outlets on September 12–13. Asmara also accused Addis Ababa of harboring, training, and financing groups it says pursue a regime-change agenda against Eritrea, and of supporting Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

Those RSF and opposition-support claims remain Eritrean allegations. Coverage by Kulu Media and Dawan Africa notes that Asmara did not present independently verified evidence in the AFP-cited statement, and that Ethiopia had not responded when the wire asked for comment. Treat the charges as contested political claims, not established fact.

Even so, the timing matters for Amhara readers watching federal priorities. Addis Ababa has spent recent months sharpening language about “sovereign” Red Sea access while the Amhara war grinds on with drones, attrition, and contested fronts. Eritrea rejects any framing that touches Assab or Eritrean sovereignty. The same federal government that markets logistics hubs and maritime destiny still has not settled the conflict that has emptied Amhara villages since April 2023.

Relations between the two states thawed after 2018, then soured after Eritrea was left out of the 2022 Pretoria deal that paused the main Tigray phase of fighting. Sudan’s war, Tigray politics, and Red Sea ambition now overlap in official rhetoric from both capitals. Whether Asmara’s latest charges stick or not, the pattern is clear: Abiy Ahmed’s regime is locked in external blame games while Amhara communities still absorb the domestic cost of unfinished wars.

Sources: Kulu Media (Sept. 13, 2026, citing AFP); Dawan Africa (Sept. 13, 2026); AFP via those outlets.